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ckjes;fsuhv;sak.vnaw’vijs’acnsa/lcdkls/
ckjes;fsuhv;sak.vnaw’vijs’acnsa/lcdkls/
Jati Kutta: the street dog, the servant, and me
First published in Between the Species: A Journal for the Study of Philosophy and Animals, 25(1).
By Lisa Warden, PhD
1
I saw him first in the spring, lying by the road as we drove through the outskirts of the arid village of Jagatpur in western India. Jagatpur stood like a speed bump between nearby Ahmedabad’s urban sprawl and the outer state highway that circumnavigated the city. A few single-storey dwellings, once various shades of ochre and pistachio but now dulled to dun, spilled across the road onto the dry plateau south of the village. The Gujarati plains blanched in the furnace of the pre-monsoon heat as it approached its peak, parching life out of the earth and turning the landscape a depleted shade of beige. The emaciated mass lay motionless in the dirt a few yards from the road, a coat of filthy brown fur stretched taut over ridges of spine and angles of pelvis. As we drove by, I wondered how long the dead dog had been there lying in a heap on the roadside.
The road lay along the route to a college where I’d enrolled in a course. On my way to class the next day I caught sight of the twisted carcass again, this time further down the road, dragged there, I assumed, by a predator. It wasn’t unusual to see dead and maimed dogs in India. Free-living dogs abounded in Indian cities. A census in Ahmedabad put their number at around 200,000 (Humane Society International, 2010). The urban spaces were also choked with hurtling cars, buses, trucks, motorcycles, and auto rickshaws. When the latter collided with the former, it was generally the dogs who suffered the consequences. In Jagatpur, where there were fewer people, there were fewer dogs and less traffic.
“Hey Mukesh,” I said to the driver, “can you please pull over? Just here, by the chai stand.” We were on our way to class again. I’d spotted a scrawny puppy near the roadside tea stall in Jagatpur and wanted to stop and feed him.
The makeshift kiosk, more a large cupboard than a shop, brimmed with brightly coloured packets of tea biscuits, paan—the Indian equivalent of chewing tobacco, made from betel nut—and other mysterious snacks hanging from the narrow beams that supported the rickety roof. The oily-haired chai wallah hovered over a battered aluminum pot simmering on a propane stove. Waves of cardamom, ginger, and sweat hit me as I gestured to the Parle G tea biscuits on the shelf behind him and asked for three packets. “Teen packet deejiye.”
Parle G biscuits, a common snack among everyone from students to labourers to business people and truck drivers, were cheap and available at every roadside tea stall in India. They were also the de facto Indian street dog snack and befriending tool. Biscuits in hand, I made my way toward the pup, squatted down a few paces away, and opened one of the packets. Alerted by the crinkling of the wrapper, he looked over and eyed me expectantly. I broke off a piece and lobbed it gently in his direction. He got up and gulped it down. I tossed him some more, each time a little closer by. Soon he was right beside me, happily eating cookies while I stroked his tawny head.
As I played with the pup, I heard the rustle of something dragging through the dirt off to my right. I turned to look and stared, astonished. The crumpled canine heap I’d taken for dead was straining to pull himself over to me—or, rather, to the biscuits I was feeding the puppy. I could see he’d been run over. His back appeared broken, his hind legs limp and dragging useless behind him. He was jarringly thin and caked with mud, dried blood, and excrement. The front edges of his back legs were bloody, rubbed raw from constant dragging over the rough ground. His spine, ribs, and hipbones jutted out from his skeletal frame. I couldn’t believe he was still alive, let alone able to make it over to me. He devoured the rest of the biscuits as I dropped them in pieces on the ground at my feet, along with a leftover granola bar and some crackers I retrieved from the car.
I only had a few classes left, but on each occasion over the next ten days I brought the broken dog a full meal and plenty of water. “Crumplestiltskin,” as I initially called him, did not seem friendly. He wasn’t aggressive towards me, but neither did he display any overt signs of warmth or appreciation, other than scarfing down the food I offered as quickly and desperately as possible.
Remarkable only for its dusty bleakness, the edge of Jagatpur always appeared deserted until we showed up. We’d pull over and get out of the car, then, seemingly out of nowhere, a handful of curious onlookers would trickle out and converge, forming a circle around us, staring intently while I fed the dog. I wished I could speak Gujarati.
“Mukesh, can you ask them what happened to this dog? How long has he been like this?”
A round of chatter ensued. One woman, sinewy and sun-darkened, spoke the most, and the loudest.
“She say one week, madam,” said Mukesh.
She clearly said a lot more than that, but my lack of language skills precluded me from further details.
I worried about what would become of Crumplestiltskin and how he would survive once my class ended. I wondered how best I could help him. I didn’t even know if he would let me pet him or pick him up. Would he bite me if I tried? We had recently moved out of a hotel in nearby Ahmedabad and into a house with a spacious, walled garden. I envisioned Crumplestiltskin lying in the shade on the cool grass, out of the dirt and away from the dangerous road. I didn’t know how long he would live, but if I could get him home with me, at least he’d be safe and cared for. I decided that if he would let me pick him up and put him in the car without biting me, I would bring him home to our garden and give him somewhere safe to live—or die—with dignity.
On the day of my final trip to Jagatpur my heart was pounding. I still didn’t know if Crumplestiltskin would assent to being handled. I had no way of knowing how closely he had interacted with people before I’d met him. And if he did let me touch him, would he try to bite me out of pain when I tried to lift him? Even if he didn’t object, I knew I would have to move quickly. If I took the time to feed him first, I’d risk drawing the unwelcome attention of the onlookers. Stealth and speed would maximize my chances of success.
All the way to Jagatpur I prayed under my breath, imploring the Maker of creatures great and small, including Crumplestiltskin, for help with my plan. I’d choreographed the whole sequence in advance with the driver, and together we talked through each step: stop, jump out, Mukesh opens back door, I grab dog. If dog bites me or tries too hard to fight, we abort the mission. If he doesn’t, I place him in the vehicle, Mukesh slams door, we jump back in and wheel it out of there.
As we approached Jagatpur, I scarcely breathed. I started scanning both sides of the road for Crumplestiltskin. What if I couldn’t find him? What if he’d disappeared, or, worse yet, already succumbed to his injuries? Slowing down, we passed the little tea stall and crept forward. Ahead on the right, camouflaged in the dirt, lay the familiar brown heap of fur. I gasped. “There, Mukesh! He’s there! On the right. Let’s pass him and turn around.”
We did a U-turn and pulled up close to Crumplestiltskin. As I jumped out, Crumplestiltskin raised his head, saw me, and eyed me eagerly, expecting a good meal. Just like we’d rehearsed, Mukesh left the car idling, hopped out, and went around to open the rear door. My heart still beating like a battle drum, I went straight to the dog, took a deep breath, and with my left hand gently took hold of his scruff. To my immense and immediate relief, Crumplestiltskin looked straight at me with his dark, liquid eyes and offered not a shred of resistance. I exhaled, then scooped up his broken, filthy hind end with my other arm, hurried the few steps to the car, and placed him on the quilt laid out in the back. Mukesh shut the door, we jumped back in, and sped down the road before anyone even noticed we’d been there. Mission accomplished. Spent adrenaline flooded my veins and left me feeling wobbly.
I sat sideways in the back seat, my arm stretched over the seat into the back, stroking Crumplestiltskin’s head and ears, trying to comfort the nervous, whining canine passenger, who periodically emptied his bladder on the quilt. We pressed onward through the barren countryside, then down the perilous highway that ringed the city, and finally reached the potholed exit that led through Shilaj village. When we arrived at the house with the exhausted-but-bewildered Crumplestiltskin, I carried him through to the back garden through the servants’ gate, and placed him on a clean blanket in the shade. Lakshmi, our housekeeper, stood cemented on the patio, glaring at the dog with undisguised revulsion.
I went to get some water and a bowl of food but when I returned, Crumplestiltskin had already fallen into a deep sleep, as if the blanket and the garden patch on which it lay were the nurturing arms of a mother pulling her child close and lulling him to blessed, safe, and healing rest. It was as if, somehow, Crumplestiltskin knew he had finally reached safe haven.
2
“Do you want Lakshmi to stay on and work for you?” asked Mr. Desai when we first moved in. Mr. Desai was the owner of the house we’d rented in Kalhaar, an upscale gated community outside Ahmedabad. He was tall and fit, a handsome, affluent Gujarati with a warm manner, a head full of thick, short, salt-and-pepper hair, and perfect teeth.
Lakshmi, a widow from an area village, had been living and working at the house as a caretaker with her son, Lala, for several months so as not to leave the place empty between tenants. Named after the Hindu goddess of prosperity, Lakshmi was petite, stood erect, moved gracefully, and wore brightly coloured rayon saris. She knew no English, and barely any Hindi—only Gujarati, which she spoke in a strong, husky voice that belied her demure bearing. She smiled keenly when Mr. Desai introduced us. Something verging on charisma emanated from her dark, weathered features, a palpable enthusiasm that pulsed below the façade of deference.
Mr. Desai had tasked Lakshmi with keeping out would-be intruders and cleaning the house daily, for which he paid her a meager salary. He’d been trying to teach Lakshmi’s son, Lala, to look after the garden—to water the flowers and the parts of the lawn that didn’t get adequately irrigated by the dodgy automatic sprinklers. The pond also needed daily topping up because it leaked, and the resident turtle was unable to get in and out unless the water was level with the edge. He was aiming to get Lala qualified to join Kalhaar’s team of malis, or gardeners. “That way,” he said, “Lala will learn some skills that will give him a career option.” Unsurprisingly for a boy of his age, whatever that was—he was small but had the beginnings of a moustache—Lala did not display much interest in the task.
“You will need servants,” said Mr. Desai, “someone to clean, a cook, and a watchman at least?”
I giggled nervously. I was unprepared for the question. The truth was that no, I didn’t want servants. I wasn’t averse to paying for someone to help with house cleaning now and again, but I didn’t want to become a memsahib with a retinue of live-in servants. It made me uncomfortable. It struck me as servitude. My mother had been a memsahib, and I, a miss-sahib, back when my family had lived in India and Pakistan when I was a teenager. I remembered how my mother described the throngs of servants she’d had to supervise on our various overseas postings in the diplomatic corps. “It was like having a houseful of teenagers,” she said, recounting what she’d perceived as one of the hardships of diplomatic life.
My intention had been to avoid the colonial quagmire altogether, as if by forgoing servants, I could retain some form of “racial innocence” (Kim 2015, 185) or position outside of power. That illusion quickly crumbled. By declining Lakshmi’s services, I’d be depriving her of a livelihood. By employing her, I’d be taking advantage of her poverty. There was no clean option. Under the circumstances, keeping her on, which she wanted, seemed less objectionable.
I looked at my husband. He appeared to agree. He tilted his head toward Lakshmi and gave a subtle nod. We told Mr. Desai they could stay. I wasn’t altogether comfortable availing myself of child labour, though. I asked Mr. Desai how old Lala was.
“Maybe 12 or 13,” he said. He asked Lakshmi. She said she didn’t know.
Noting my surprise, he continued. “These are simple people from the village. They don’t use calendars.”
“Shouldn’t Lala be in school, instead of working in the garden?” I asked.
Mr. Desai, who struck me as genuinely well-meaning, explained that he had offered to pay Lala’s full tuition at the local school, but that Lala wasn’t interested, and Lakshmi wouldn’t make him go. Besides, Mr. Desai thought this way at least Lala would gain some experience working at an “upper class” house, which might land him a “proper” job when he got older. I asked Mr. Desai, out of curiosity, how old Lakshmi was. Apparently she didn’t know that either, but he guessed somewhere in her 30s.
Lakshmi had never worked as a paid housekeeper before, let alone for foreigners whose habits and tastes were completely alien to her own. I wasn’t sure what I should expect. I asked Mr. Desai about her daily routine, and what her responsibilities should be.
“You have to train her,” said Mr. Desai. “These simple village folk”—by which he meant that subset of the rural poor who came from the low end of India’s socio-economic scale— “are the best to have working for you. They are honest. They know nothing, but they are hard working. The city people are lazy and dishonest, and they will cheat you.” He told us about the previous tenant, a well-to-do foreigner who indulged his servant, paid him too much, and gave him liquor. “The fellow became an unemployable, lazy alcoholic, and took to stealing to support his habit after the foreigner left. He ruined his life,” said Mr. Desai. “You cannot treat them as friends. You have to be very strict otherwise you will ruin them.”
The arrangement included Lakshmi and Lala staying on in the servants’ quarters of the house. All Kalhaar’s homes were equipped with such areas, wedged between one side of the house and the outer garden wall. The quarters consisted of a small bedroom, a closet-sized shower room, and a separate room with an Asian squat toilet. The three rooms opened onto a roomy, enclosed, outdoor covered patio space, which functioned as a utility area for doing laundry and miscellaneous chores. A door from the house kitchen opened onto the covered patio of the servants’ quarters—the “servants’ entrance.” By custom, servants didn’t use the front door. To leave and enter the property, they were to use a side gate from the covered patio to the outside.
I wasn’t sure exactly how I was supposed to “train” Lakshmi per Mr. Desai’s instructions. The only means of communication available to us were smiles, grimaces, grunts, and gesticulations. I opted for the path of least interference and left Lakshmi to her own devices. I watched from my desk as she cleaned and polished the floors of her own accord. She did this with a cloth and a bucket of water, squatting on her haunches.
Lakshmi appeared to take a great deal of pride in her work. There would be a sparkly swagger in her eyes as she walked into the living room in her colourful saris, silver anklets jingling, nose ring gleaming, stack of bangles jangling, bearing unsolicited tumblers of cold water on a tray when we returned home after a hot excursion to the city. On the days the malis didn’t come to do the garden, every day but Tuesday, after polishing the floors to an immaculate shine, she would sweep the lawn of fallen leaves and branches with her short stick broom, again, squatting on her haunches, crab walking gracefully from one end to the other, leaving a pristine carpet of green.
There was something theatrical about the way Lakshmi went about her work, as if this were performance and I the audience. Every day, the star performer—confident, bold, and dance-like in her precise movements—dramatized her way through her broom-wielding bharatnatyam, frequently checking to make sure I, her adoring public, was watching. Jingle jangle jingle jangle jingajing jingajing sounded her anklets as I sat at my computer trying to write. The harder I stared at the screen, the longer the nautch seemed to last.
The neighbourhood into which we’d moved stood as one of the many posh gated communities that had arisen on the periphery of major Indian cities to cater to the swelling ranks of India’s wealthy. The city’s galloping growth meant the metropolis was gobbling up surrounding villages and farmland at a voracious pace. That made the gated community of Kalhaar all the more sought-after as a restorative oasis, and rendered it a preferred address for some of Ahmedabad’s elite. Kalhaar was not the newest such community, but it struck me as the nicest. The ambiance was so peaceful—nurturing even—when compared to the frenetic atmosphere in the city.
A dreamy, unreal quality permeated the neighbourhood. The gentle hues of the houses—muted peach, soft beige, hushed Jaipur pink—and their broad verandas sat amid oases of green and colour bursts of bougainvillea, gulmohar, and jacaranda. Bursts of jasmine soothed the senses. The many fruit and flowering trees, lush foliage, green spaces, and garden ponds made it an inadvertent refuge for a plethora of bird species and other creatures in a region that was essentially a desert. Bulbuls shrieked from the border shrubs, kingfishers and egrets lurked by the ponds, and jungle babblers—known as “the seven sisters” for their habit of foraging in groups of seven—scoured the flower beds for bugs and worms. Roving bands of mischievous langur monkeys raided the mango trees. Even normally nocturnal owls sought afternoon sanctuary from the pre-monsoon cauldron in the palm trees that ringed the lagoons. It was into our own privileged Eden that we welcomed the weary Crumplestiltskin.
“Hey little one,” I said softly as I stepped out onto the patio and perched on the doorstep. My new furry charge lay a few feet away resting in the shade on a cotton sheet I’d folded and spread out on top of a thick yoga mat. He lifted his head and looked at me. Moments later his features drooped and he lay his head back down. For the first few days, Crumplestiltskin responded to my voice that way, by looking at me, but that was about it. He didn’t give any obvious indication that he wanted to interact or receive affection.
I soon realized, however, that Crumplestiltskin wasn’t unfriendly. Something in his gaze when I spoke to him—his furrowed brow, inquisitive eyes, and perked ears—hinted at a yearning for deeper connection. I suspected he wanted to come over, get a pat, and stay close by, but he simply didn’t have enough strength to do anything other than cling to life. What he needed most, after food and water, was a safe and comfortable place to spend the days sleeping and resting. As for his name, I knew “Crumplestiltskin” was only temporary. We were committed to his healing, and to providing him with as good a life as we could, for as long as he was with us. On his second day at home, as he looked up at me with those incredibly beautiful, dark, expressive eyes, it jumped out and practically hollered at me: “Piccolo!”
A neighbour recommended a veterinarian in the city, Dr. Tina Giri. Dr. Giri’s clinic was located on the basement level of an office building in the city centre, just below the Chinatown Restaurant. Piccolo trembled and panted as I carried him from the car and down the steps to the clinic. A diminutive young man with a dark complexion and heavily oiled hair waved us in. Dr. Giri sat inside working at a small desk opposite a stainless steel examination table. She greeted me with a friendly expression and gestured to the table. I placed Piccolo on the table and held onto his collar, massaging his back with my other hand.
“What happened, na?” exclaimed Dr. Giri, coming over and addressing Piccolo. A natural dog person, she let him sniff her hand, then gently stroked his neck behind the ears. Piccolo whined and tried to drag himself to the edge of the slippery table. “No, no, stay beta,” she said.
“I have no idea how long he’s been this emaciated,” I said. “The people in the village said the accident happened a week before we spoke with them, so he may have been hit about two weeks ago.”
I recounted the details of how I’d found him as Dr. Giri palpated his back, took his temperature, checked his teeth, eyes, and ears, and listened to his lungs and heart with her stethoscope, Piccolo all the while emitting the occasional whine and trying to wriggle off the table. She was skillful and gentle, interacting with Piccolo as if she knew him well. Her assistant, the man who’d ushered us in, came and helped me hold him in place as Dr. Giri examined him. She proceeded to clean each of his hind legs with wet gauze and antiseptic. I winced as she softened and worked away the mud and dried blood. I was shocked to see how much of the skin he’d rubbed raw dragging himself around. The pink flesh finally emerged oozing and bloody in places.
After cleaning his wounds, Dr. Giri prescribed rest and a special feeding plan. I was to wash Piccolo’s hind legs daily with warm water and liquid antiseptic soap. Dr. Giri instructed me to buy children’s cotton socks, insert a drawstring in the top of each, and put them on his hind legs to give the abraded skin a chance to heal. She was obviously familiar with this kind of injury. As for the prognosis, Dr. Giri said we would have to wait and see. She was uncertain as to whether the extended period of starvation had damaged his organs.
“Is this a case in which you would consider euthanasia?” I asked, holding my breath.
“No, no, not at all,” replied Dr. Giri. “This kind of thing happens here. It’s terrible. The dogs suffer so much of trauma. But some of them survive and get used to using only their front legs to get around. I think he will be okay.”
I exhaled and blinked, trying to hold back the moisture that stung my eyelids.
*
Piccolo’s arrival filled my world with a new sense of delight. I would rush to see him first thing in the morning. I wanted to be with him during the day, and make sure he was safe and comfortable before going to bed at night.
Piccolo, likewise, quickly grew to delight in my company. If I was away from him for any period of time, at the sight of me he would erupt in a series of dramatic squeals. When I’d get up in the morning, I had to sneak as quietly as I could into the kitchen to make coffee. If Piccolo saw or heard me, he would drag himself over to the patio door and launch into a canticle of melodramatic yowls, as if we’d been separated for years. As he grew stronger, he struggled to follow me wherever I went. The unanticipated—and clearly mutual—joy we brought each other pointed to a primordial blueprint: we were designed for connection.
Piccolo’s life and mine became intricately linked. This lovely, living, breathing creature—with his own personality and quirks and preferences—he was so fragile, so vulnerable, and yet so determined to hang on. He had suffered such agony, which had been compounded by the absence of gentle hands responding with help or healing. His life had been so harsh and had come so close to being snuffed out. Had Piccolo and I not met, had he perished out there on the roadway, that he had ever existed at all might not have mattered to anyone. This was incomprehensible to me. He was an entire universe all his own. He mattered. Period.
To name another, at its most basic, is to acknowledge that that ‘other’ matters, that the being named has significance in their own right, independent of the one doing the naming. In the Genesis creation story, God brings all the animals—every beast of the field and every bird of the air—to Adam one by one “to see what he would call them. And whatever the man called every living soul, that was its name” (Genesis 2.19 Jubilee Bible). It had always struck me as odd that various commentators interpreted that act—Adam’s naming of the animals in the Garden of Eden—as representing human power and authority over animals (text notes on Genesis 1.5 and 1.28, Reformation Study Bible, 2005). My experience with Piccolo afforded me a different perspective.
My heart was bursting for this wounded, vulnerable creature, in much the same way a new parent, gazing at her infant, is overcome by a surge of emotions, a chemical cocktail of attachment, protection, and nurture (London 2019). I was experiencing anew the power of love, connection, and relationship. When that name came to me, when I experienced the privilege of looking into Piccolo’s trusting eyes and naming him, it was simply this: an act of love, of devotion, and of promise—a sort of covenant. “You shall be called by a new name that the mouth of the Lord shall give,” wrote the prophet Isaiah. “You shall be a crown of beauty in the hand of the Lord (…) You shall no more be termed Forsaken” (Isaiah 62.2-4). In the human-centred world, I was in the position of an overlord, yes; but for me, the act of naming Piccolo, of stamping him with a mark, constituted not proof of human power over animals, but an acknowledgement of a bond forged by the reversal of forsakenness. Through our mutual bond, Piccolo was marking me as much as I was marking him.
In the Judeo-Christian tradition, a person’s name reveals a key aspect of their identity. The name “Piccolo” hadn’t come to me through divine foreknowledge of the character of this particular canine, at least I didn’t think so. It simply burst into my consciousness and reverberated inside me like a sounding gong as I looked into his eyes. Maybe that’s how divine foreknowledge works. But I definitely wasn’t thinking of the literal meaning of the word “piccolo” at the time: “a small flute sounding an octave higher than the ordinary one” (Lexico.com). Though his repertoire of squeaks and squeals fit the pattern, something else matched it even more.
In the Hindu pantheon, the deity Krishna represents divine love. Krishna is always portrayed with a flute, a symbol of the human heart, an instrument through which the love of God is played. Piccolo was the canine avatar of Krishna’s flute, playing for me a sound so pure it hurt.
3
It didn’t take long for Piccolo to start feeling better. From our spot on the patio we watched him charge two-legged across the grass. A langur monkey sat on the garden wall nursing her tiny infant. The silver-haired, black-faced primates could be quite large, and they didn’t scare easily. The langur looked down scornfully at Piccolo, decided he was a nuisance, and shot up into the thick canopy above, her baby clinging to her like Velcro. His job done, a satisfied Piccolo came and lay down on his thick mat beside me on the patio.
“You gorgeous boy,” I said to him, stroking his soft head and ears. How enchanted I was to be sitting in this place, among these creatures, in this oasis carved out of the Gujarati desert. “Snapshots of Eden,” I thought to myself.
I imagined the original Eden as low maintenance, but our mini-Eden demanded active manual work on my part. In my post-Fall paradise perfection was always degenerating. “Piccolo” became “Pickles,” which soon became “Pickles the Incontinent of the Subcontinent.” When he’d peed on the quilt in the back of the vehicle the day I brought him home, I put it down to nerves. After all, he’d never been in a car before. On his second day, on the trip to the vet, he did the same thing. At home, when I picked him up to take him to the bathroom to wash his leg wounds as instructed by Dr. Giri, he peed all over me. Thereafter I learned to carry him facing away from me.
Pickles’ injuries had left him with little in the way of control of his bodily functions. Some years prior, the landlord had glassed in the broad, L-shaped, rear veranda of the house with floor-to-ceiling windows and installed glass doors at each end. The space looked out over the garden and pond. It had a junglee but protected feel. I loved it. We set up our living room at one end of the L, and I my desk and work area at the other. The advantage for Pickles (and me) was that there was no carpet in the room. The veranda floor was made of smooth tile. Pickles was able to glide across it easily, pulling himself along with his two front legs. When he had accidents, he left an easily discernible trail I would clean up with paper towels and spray cleaner.
“Sounds like ‘urine a pickle’,” wrote my punster friend when I said I found myself spending a lot of time on my hands and knees cleaning the floor.
The little cotton socks on Pickles’ hind legs acted like swabs, which meant I had to wash his legs and change his socks regularly. It also meant I had to wash a pile of smelly socks everyday, which initially I did myself, by hand, out in the servants’ quarters while Lakshmi looked on with disgust.
Lakshmi made no attempt to conceal her aversion to Pickles, scowling at him if she had to pass near him. She wasn’t afraid of dogs; she just didn’t like Pickles. Initially he was too weak and exhausted to pay her any attention. As he started to regain his strength, though, his healthy canine curiosity returned. He had learned that my husband and I were friendly and adored him. Maybe he thought he’d entered a new realm, one in which all dogs were loved by all humans. He certainly got excited when two washing machine repairmen came to the house. With the men sitting on the floor taking apart the entrails of the machine, Pickles acted as if they’d come with the express purpose of playing with him. He grunted with excitement, dragged himself over to them, and jubilantly inserted himself into the middle of their work, smelling their clothes and tools, poking them with his wet dog nose, and waiting expectantly for them to celebrate his existence. They tolerated him, but seemed uncomfortable with this strange, socked, dragging creature sticking his exuberant snout in their business. I had mercy on them and carried a happy Pickles into the house with me.
When Pickles first dragged himself over to Lakshmi, his hopes for a warm reception equally high, she spoke sharply to him, stomped her foot, and shooed him away. He quickly learned to avoid her.
*
We soon took in two small puppies we found on a construction site. Button Sengupta and Lady Penelope Chatterjee deferred to Pickles as their pack leader, and Pickles enjoyed bossing them around, leading them on raids into the far corners of the garden, around the back of the pond, and deep into the bushes on the far side of the house. They would face off against intimidating gangs of langur monkeys who periodically swung by to raid the mango tree or drink from the pond. The canine trio chased squirrels and lizards, undertook canine excavations in the dirt, and barked out their boundaries to passing workers and roaming dogs.
As Penelope and Button grew bigger, Pickles grew stronger. His awkward two-legged drag developed into a swift, imperious glide. I was amazed to see that Pickles’ socks were doing their job. The fur had grown back on all but one small patch just below each of his hocks. Those were the spots that bore the most pressure while he dragged himself across the ground, and without some form of protection, they were constantly bloody, dirty, and at risk of infection. He no longer needed socks, but he needed something.
I resolved the problem with a new invention: dog leg bands. I bought terry cloth sweatbands—the kind tennis players wear on their wrists—cut them to measure, then sewed Velcro on each end. I wrapped them around his legs below the hock, fastened the Velcro, and for good measure tied a length of cotton gauze firmly around each band. They worked perfectly. The dirty sock pile was replaced with a dirty leg band pile.
In the servants’ quarters, under the covered patio was a concrete utility area with a faucet and a drain. Each time I changed Pickles’ soiled leg bands, I would throw them down near the drain, as I had done previously with his socks. When we first got Pickles, I’d been washing the dirty sock pile myself, once a day. Contrary to the custom in local households, we didn’t have Lakshmi doing the laundry or cooking simply because we were used to doing it ourselves. Not having to mime out every instruction also saved considerable depletion of my creative battery and charade skills. After a while I thought I might enlist Lakshmi’s help with the washing of Pickles’ socks. One day I motioned to her to come over to the faucet and watch me demonstrate.
“Dekhiye,” I said, meaning “please look” in Hindi, hoping she would understand. I took one of the dirty socks, rinsed it out under the tap, then soaped and scrubbed it. I rinsed it, wrung out the excess water, and hung it on the adjacent laundry line. I worked my way through the small pile till six clean wet socks hung from the line. I went and got Mukesh and asked him to explain to Lakshmi that I would like her to wash Pickles’ socks daily, as I had shown her.
A short exchange ensued in Gujarati between Lakshmi and Mukesh.
“What is she saying?” I asked.
“She will do it,” he replied.
I suspected I didn’t have the whole story, but that was all they divulged.
When the leg bands took the place of the socks, I again asked Mukesh for help explaining to Lakshmi that she was now to wash the leg bands the same way she’d washed the socks.
As soon as Mukesh conveyed the message, Lakshmi burst into a spirited tirade that sent Mukesh into fits of laughter. His laughter was contagious, and I too started to giggle. “What is she saying?” I asked him.
Between convulsive howls and snorts, he struggled to explain. “She say this dog is having disease. This cloth is having very bad smell.”
Lakshmi held Pickles’ dirty leg band up for Mukesh to smell, to prove her point, which made him buckle over in hysterics again. This elicited another prolonged outburst of irate chatter from Lakshmi. Mukesh laughed so hard he could barely contain himself.
When he settled down enough to speak, Mukesh continued with the translation. “Something wrong with dog. He is disease. No good.”
“Lakshmi say,” he continued, “she like nice dog. She take care pedigree dog. This dog is from roadway. No good and disease. She say her caste is not do this work. You must be hiring man from special caste to clean dog cloth. This not her caste.”
I groaned. I knew Lakshmi was a member of the Dalit community, but what was only just dawning on me was that even among the lowest caste there apparently existed a purity-pollution, reverence-contempt spectrum. There were Dalit leather workers, for example, who were reviled by some among the higher castes but who themselves regarded sweepers with contempt. Yet how anyone could despise an innocent creature like Pickles who’d suffered so intensely and barely managed to survive confounded me. From my “single optic” perspective (Kim 2015), the injustice suffered by Pickles seemed far greater than the injustice Lakshmi felt I was committing against her by asking her to wash his leg bands.
It took me no small effort to try to see things from Lakshmi’s point of view. She was telling me that she wouldn’t have any qualms about looking after a purebred dog like a German shepherd or a golden retriever, but that her caste precluded her from proximity to a street dog. As far as Lakshmi was concerned, Pickles was “untouchable,” a veritable “pariah dog.”
In the field of cynology, the term “pariah dog” has been used for over a century to refer to indigenous dogs that conform to a universal physical type found among aboriginal dogs the world over. Use of the word “pariah” is problematic, however. When used casually as a metaphor, according to Rupa Viswanath, it bears remembering that the term “pariah” refers to someone or something that “deserves to be reviled.” Because the origin of the term lies in such an odious social order, she, like many, equates use of the term to use of the ‘n-word’ (Viswanath 2014, xi-xii). The term “pariah dog,” or “pye dog”, is therefore subject to contention. Used initially by the British during the colonial era to refer to the free-ranging local dogs, it derives from “Paraiyar”—landless agrarian slaves in south India who lived under a brutally oppressive feudal system. The Paraiyar were drummers, a subsection among Dalits, who played the “parai,” or drum, at religious rites and festivals. Their drumming was not considered an art form, but rather part of their mandatory caste-based service. The material of which the drums were made, cowhide—a dead animal product—was deemed polluting by higher castes. So were the Paraiyars themselves. And so was Pickles to Lakshmi.
In India caste divisions occasionally spilled over into the canine world. In the neighbouring state of Madhya Pradesh, the pet dog of an upper caste family was disowned after it was discovered that a Dalit woman had fed the dog a roti. The family now designated the dog as “untouchable”, tied it to a pole outside the Dalit woman’s house, and insisted she adopt him (Gupta 2010). In some villages in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, village councils prohibit Dalits from owning male dogs as pets. The people belonging to upper castes in those villages claim that if male dogs owned by Dalits mated with their female dogs, it would “pollute the purity of their caste” (Tehelka 2014).
“Untouchability,” or discrimination on the basis of caste, was technically illegal in India and had been for decades. What Lakshmi was saying I should do—hire someone of a “lower” subcaste to wash Pickles’ leg bands because she considered it “polluting”—was actually against the law. I naively assumed Lakshmi knew this, and what’s more, cared, given that in many villages throughout India there stands at least a bust if not a full-sized statue of Bhimrao Ambedkar, the Dalit writer, dissident, and first law minister in India’s newly independent government. Although Ambedkar died in 1956, to this day he remains a hero in India.
In many Dalit households, Ambedkar’s shrine-like, garlanded photograph graces a prominent spot on the wall alongside favourite Hindu deities. Lakshmi would have been well aware of Ambedkar and his anti-”untouchability” message; his blistering critiques of caste included the assertion that the caste system was a product of “the arrogance and selfishness of a perverse section of the Hindus who were superior enough in social status to set it in fashion, and who had the authority to force it on their inferiors” (Ambedkar 2004, 5[8]). That she was pulling caste rank baffled me, a sign of my cultural and social ignorance.
But something else Ambedkar wrote offered insight into Lakshmi’s ideas about what the division of labour should be regarding the washing of Pickles’ laundry. He said that casteism necessitated the constant oppression of all outside (namely, “below”) one’s own caste—or in this case, sub-caste; that in a caste-based society, one’s very well-being depended on perpetuating the oppression of the lower castes by the higher. People were not brothers, they were rivals (Ambedkar 1987, 98). Caste, said Ambedkar, could not be reformed. It had to be annihilated, and the only way to achieve that was to destroy Hinduism itself. He’d written that more than 70 years earlier. Hinduism and caste didn’t appear to be going anywhere.
To Mukesh, Lakshmi’s dog classification system was hilarious. To me, it was exasperating. According to her ideas of jati kutta (“breed dog”)—literally, dogs of a certain “caste”—Pickles was an “outcaste” among dogs, but not entirely for the reason I thought.
With help from Mukesh translating, I tried to find out more. “Mukesh, ask Lakshmi if she likes the two new puppies, Button and Penelope. Does she think they are nice dogs?” She’d made a display of cooing over them when we first brought them home.
Mukesh proceeded to relay my question, to which Lakshmi offered her reply. “Yes, madam,” said Mukesh. “Lakshmi like Button and Penelope. Very nice dogs. She say Pickle not nice. Pickle is disease.”
“Does she know that Button and Penelope are also street dogs?” I asked.
A brief exchange ensued between Mukesh and Lakshmi. Mukesh turned to me. “Lakshmi say Button and Penelope are very nice, not disease.”
I asked Mukesh to explain to Lakshmi that Pickles was not diseased, but that he had been hit by a car. That was how he became paralyzed. His socks and leg bands stunk because he had no control over his—here I made a “pssss” sound and acted out a dog lifting its leg to urinate. “The smell is urine, not infection,” I said.
Mukesh erupted in laughter again, then translated. Lakshmi remained unmoved.
I said to Mukesh, “Explain to Lakshmi that Pickles is like my baby, and this cloth is like his diapers. He is not diseased. He has smelly laundry just like a baby.”
After Mukesh’s explanation, Lakshmi burst into another animated rant, sending Mukesh into a new round of hysterics. What emerged was that Lakshmi’s objection to Pickles was not simply due to his lack of breeding and his smelly laundry. Lakshmi found Pickles repulsive because he was paralyzed.
Disability is stigmatized everywhere. India is no exception. Reports abound of people with disabilities in India experiencing the same kind of treatment as those who endure caste-based discrimination (Harris 2014). The differently abled, like Dalits, are frequent victims of sexual violence. And the police are less inclined to investigate cases of sexual assault against disabled women, as is the case with Dalit women (DW.com 2020). Lakshmi was giving me a crash course on the collision of multiple forms of prejudice, including my own. I didn’t stop to think about how I stood there as an embodiment of centuries of white and high caste overlords forcing Dalits to do the “shit” work. And while I didn’t make an adequate effort to appreciate or understand Lakshmi’s objection to washing Pickles’ leg bands, Lakshmi, with her aversion to both disability and street dogs, replicated the attitudes of higher castes toward the lower, the able-bodied toward the disabled, and the human to the animal. Our “mutual disavowal” (Kim 2015) of each other’s positions only served to breathe life into the unkillable ghosts of colonialism, casteism, racism, and speciesism, beneath which lay the ineradicable, human, caste-like impulse to animalize that to which we feel superior.
That I witnessed the residue of caste in various spheres of life in India was to be expected. Ambedkar likened caste to an infectious illness. Its viral filaments turned up everywhere. Despite decades of consciousness-raising initiatives and myriad attempts to combat the perversities of caste, including M.K. Gandhi’s globally publicized and much romanticized efforts to abolish “untouchability” —but not caste—almost 80 years prior (Roy 2014), it remained intractably entrenched, not only in the minds of those it benefitted, but also in the psyches and lives of those it oppressed. It was Lakshmi’s aversion to Pickles that brought home to me in a direct and personal way the enduring influence and power of “untouchability.”
The viciousness of the caste system and its feudal nature were hard for me to reconcile with a modern India that was sending spaceships to the moon and leading the world in software development. Simultaneous with these achievements, caste-based discrimination remained widespread, and caste-based violence was still rampant, including rape of Dalit women, and murder and other violent crimes against Dalits (National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights 2014). Over a million Dalits were still forced into the occupation of “manual scavenging” (International Dalit Solidarity Network), the removal of human excrement by hand. In rural areas, it was not uncommon for Dalit students to be made to sit in the back of classrooms, and to be forced to do chores, such as latrine cleaning, not required of higher caste students. They were frequent victims of harassment and torment from teachers and other students, leading to a high dropout rate and lower literacy level. Many families in India still openly admit they would not allow a Dalit into their kitchens or permit them to use their utensils, though they may deny practicing untouchability (National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights 2018).
I began to think of caste as a form of naming, but of groups rather than of individuals. The exclusion implicit in caste designations functioned in a way diametrically opposed to the spirit in which I had named Piccolo. Naming Pickles marked the redemption and inclusion of one who had been cast aside. It removed the stamps of worthlessness and forsakenness from his being, and declared him significant, included, and worthy of love. That he was taken in, restored, and named solemnized the connection between us, and my commitment to his flourishing. Caste classifications did the opposite. To the outsider they functioned effectively like curses. They said “you don’t count, and you are not worthy of inclusion in this circle.”
*
Dogs, I noted, didn’t make caste-based distinctions. If Pickles perceived a person to welcome his presence, he would glide over, insert himself into their personal space, give them a happy snuffle, and naturally expect them to celebrate his existence with accolades and caresses. He, likewise, would celebrate their worth, innate goodness, and very “beingness” with a canine benediction, positioning his head under their hands, offering them the opportunity to bestow on him physical affection. Street dogs like Pickles had shown themselves particularly faithful in the vocation of affirming the worth of the reviled and the forsaken.
An Indian newspaper told the story of a newborn infant who was left in a laneway alongside a dumpster one night in Kolkata. Through the night, three street dogs faithfully stood guard over the baby girl until the next morning, when some passers-by discovered the infant and took her to a nearby police station. The dogs followed the good samaritans to the station, and watched from the door as the officer in charge laid the baby on a table. The canines stood vigil on site until the afternoon, when the baby was finally picked up and driven to an orphanage. Only once their task was successfully discharged did the dogs turn and walk back to their neighbourhood (Karlekar 2008, 25-26).
A similar incident made it into the news when a young unmarried girl, heavily pregnant, went from her village into the nearby forest in the hills of Karnataka state. She was followed by three dogs from her village. There the girl eventually gave birth and then returned home, leaving the infant behind. The dogs, however, stayed and protected the newborn from predators throughout the night. In the morning, a man drawn to the scene by the dogs’ barking found and rescued the baby (ibid, 25).
Such tales of canine ministry aren’t limited to India. Writing of a mysterious dog he encountered while a prisoner of war in Nazi Germany, the Jewish philosopher Emmanuel Levinas attested to dogs’ capacity to subvert the dehumanization at the heart of caste-type social structures (Levinas 1990, 153). Treated harshly and considered subhuman by the guards and locals, Levinas and his fellow Jewish prisoners were marched back and forth every day from their prison camp to a work site. One day a roaming dog appeared out of nowhere and joyfully greeted the dejected prisoners as they trudged back to the camp. For a few delightful weeks, “Bobby,” as they came to call him, faithfully appeared every morning and evening, celebrating their presence, “jumping up and down and barking in delight.” In Bobby’s eyes, writes Levinas, “there was no doubt that we were men.” By bearing witness to and celebrating the prisoners’ intrinsic worth, Bobby restored to the men the very personhood denied them by the guards and the townsfolk. He reminded them who they really were. In return, by naming the dog, the prisoners acknowledged the special bond they’d formed with Bobby, his “beinghood,” and the sacred service he’d rendered by affirming their value and innate goodness.
Some say that animals were never expelled from Eden, that they still possess the unscathed purity long since lost to the rest of us. Perhaps in dogs the “spark of the spirit” within remains as “pure as when it left the Creator to inspire the creature” (Brontë 1897, ch. 6). In one of his novels, Milan Kundera’s narrator suggests that an affinity with animals connects us to Eden (Kundera 1984, 297), and restores us to a realm in which our worth—unsullied in animals’ eyes—is assumed and affirmed. The spiritual teacher Eckhart Tolle calls dogs “the guardians of being” (Tolle 2009).
In our Ahmedabad garden, lush and fragrant and teeming with life, surrounded by my three beloved, redeemed, and thriving canine souls and the plethora of other creatures, I sensed I was part of a sacred assembly. The dogs’ belief that I was profoundly good served as a cosmic cord that kept me tethered to a better version of myself. Lakshmi clearly did not see it—or me—that way. But the canine trio’s guileless frolicking across the fresh morning grass, their exuberant, noisy pursuit of monkeys and squirrels into the thick canopy above, our afternoon siestas on the cool veranda, bulbuls and jungle babblers filling the air with their staccato refrains—their unquestioning faith that despite the cruelties they may have suffered this was precisely how dog life was meant to be lived held out a glimpse of what Tolkien called the transcendent “Joy beyond the walls of the world” (Tolkien 2008, 284). Their joy did not deny the existence of suffering and injustice, but it denied, in his words, “universal final defeat.”
4
By relocating to Kalhaar I had hoped for a respite of sorts from the aspects of life in urban India I found depleting and downright distressing. I was craving peace and privacy. In Ahmedabad’s core, a maze of bustling, exhaust-choked streets teemed with people, cars, buses, auto rickshaws, motorized scooters, and an uncannily creative assortment of rattletrap carts, cows, dogs, and other scavengers who drew their lifeblood from the city’s veins. I appreciated the vibrant urban rhythms, but living in the midst of it had become overwhelming.
The population of the greater metropolitan area was pushing six million and growing daily, augmented by a constant stream of migrants pouring in from surrounding areas. I would see them on my way into the city, huddled in disheveled groups at major intersections on SG Highway, the main north-south artery that crossed the city on its west side. Some of them had found work already, on construction sites or road crews, entire families chipping rocks by hand and carrying baskets of gravel or bricks on chalky heads to lay the foundations of Ahmedabad’s new flyovers and glass buildings. The others sat and waited, setting up tent cities at the crossroads and vacant lots, their bare-bottomed infants hanging from spindly trees in makeshift rag cradles, the older children playing games they’d invented using sticks, plastic bottles, and other transformed treasures discovered on their roadside expeditions. The vast majority of these migrant labourer families were Dalits and indigenous peoples, known as Adivasis.
It wasn’t only peace and privacy I craved. While the migrant labourer families poured into the city seeking to escape poverty, I confess that I longed to leave the city to escape witnessing poverty’s pernicious effects. Periodic bouts of unease provoked by scenes of hardship started as tension in my chest, then progressed to a state of prolonged irritability born, I liked to think, of an acute sense of my own impotence in the face of injustice and suffering. I wondered, however, if there might not be more to my malaise. “In a society fraught with inequality it is impossible for there not to be a vast chasm between what one believes—or rather, what one would like to believe one believes—and what one’s actions show one believes” (Lahiri 2017, 200).
Frequent scenes of stark extremes played out before me. In Ahmedabad’s merciless traffic, at the peak of the searing pre-monsoon heat, a sinewy man in a grimy T-shirt and lungi strained to pull a wooden cart laden with heavy construction equipment. A politician in his white chauffeur-driven Ambassador car pushed in alongside him, horn blasting, forcing the man off the road. Elsewhere in the city, three young men thigh-deep in putrid sewage channels used their bare hands to unclog toxic city drains while a freshly pressed bureaucrat stood off to the side issuing instructions. My dysphoria was compounded by the seeming indifference of many to the oppressive status quo. I didn’t like who I was becoming. I didn’t want to become hardened to misery, but I could feel a bitter edge creeping in. One would have to become hard simply to survive. My response was to try to escape.
Sitting in the secluded back garden in the cool of the morning, watching marauding langurs frolic in the tree branches above while the dogs dozed in the early light and a kingfisher dive-bombed the pond, it felt like I’d stumbled into a supernatural portal to Paradise Restored. It wasn’t long, however, before the underbelly of paradise emerged and the portal doors slammed shut. Trails of silent, disheveled shapes trudged through the neighbourhood. They were the trash collectors, sweepers, construction workers, and maintenance staff on whose backs Kalhaar’s precarious perfection was built and maintained—a manicured perfection of which they were precluded from partaking.
Like the city, the elite neighbourhood was expanding, perennially in progress, acquiring more and more of the surrounding farmland and transforming it into bloated mansions for the beneficiaries of India’s formidable economic growth. And yet the vast majority of India’s citizens were “excommunicated from the middle-class project of India’s rise” (Dasgupta 2014, 265). The hungry thrust of progress was fueled, subsidized even, by the labour of the poor, who worked long hours, day in, day out, chipping rocks by hand outside Kalhaar’s main gate, dredging its sewers, collecting its trash, scouring its homes, and sweeping its vast carpets of green.
*
One day when the Gujarati plains were baking in the pre-monsoon cauldron that sucks the life out of all but the sewers, I went out to the front garden to visit Suzie and Frieda Pinto, two of our block’s street dogs who had stopped by for an afternoon siesta. Every sector had its collection of resident free-roaming dogs. They knew innately which properties were dog-friendly and which weren’t. White with tan patches, Suzie and Frieda Pinto looked like littermates and were very likely cousins of Penelope and Button’s. Many of the street dogs in our area, including Button and Penelope, had a refined, whippety look—graceful limbs, narrow waists, deep chests, and slender abdomens sucked up high. Diluted descendants of Salukis who had accompanied Arab traders to India centuries earlier, the indigenous sighthound mixes were lightning fast and skilled hunters (Indog.co.in).
“Hey, sweet pups, how you doing?” I said, squatting down to stroke their soft heads.
Two tails flopped receptively on the hard ground, wagging out their seeming reply: “We’re thrilled to see you but we’re not getting up because it’s way too hot to move.” They each lay in shallow, side-by-side holes they’d excavated under the mango tree, enjoying the cool earth just below the surface.
Just then, I heard some chatter coming from the road out front. Through the bushes I spotted a lone head. More chatter ensued, but still only one person. Curious, I got up and moved closer to have a look.
The lone head belonged to a man squatting beside an open manhole in the street. He was talking to someone, but there was no one there. I continued watching from my vantage point between the shrubs.
All of a sudden a grotty, matted little head popped up from the manhole. A little boy. The child disappeared down the manhole, then resurfaced carrying a mound of dripping, dirty refuse, which he added to the pile of stinking debris on a tarp. He was cleaning out the drains before the monsoon rains arrived.
I knew the drains were filled with toxic fumes, not to mention all kinds of rotting trash, and rats, dead and alive. There were stories in the local papers about urban manhole cleaners getting sick and dying from the occupational hazards of the work. Considered polluting by higher castes, the removal of human excrement from latrines and blockages from sewers and septic tanks, all with rudimentary hand tools, was relegated to Dalits. I hadn’t realized that included Dalit children.
“Mukesh,” I asked our driver, who sat nearby in the servants’ area, “why is that man making the little boy go down in the sewer? Why isn’t the man doing it?”
“Men are cleaning the drains in Ahmedabad,” he replied, “in the city. In Kalhaar, drain is very small. Man is big. They can only use small boy.”
A gnawing chasm opened in my chest. Something about the scene—the road, the filth, the child’s matted hair and slight frame, his overarching vulnerability—evoked another chance encounter on another road, elsewhere: Pickles in the dirt in Jagatpur, like a thing discarded.
“The children have to work,” said Mukesh, filling the silence. “Their families are very poor.”
“Childhood,” writes Tripti Lahiri, “—as in a protected, cared-for period of life reserved for play and study—is a luxury the upper class can afford, not the poor” (Lahiri 2017, 46).
Here I came face to face with the cost of the escape Kalhaar provided—the little boy staring at me from the manhole in front of my home. The privileged existence Kalhaar afforded appeared to provide a respite from the harsh extremes in the city, but now their pervasiveness stood in evidence before me. There was no escaping the effects of caste and poverty in India, not for the boy in the drain, not for injured dogs left to perish on the roadside, not for Lakshmi and Lala, and not even for the elite who, like myself, found ourselves its beneficiaries. There was no white saviour band-aid I could pull out to dull the pang and kid myself that I was innocent or somehow outside the rot. I was actively complicit. Like Ambedkar said, in a caste-based society, one’s very well-being depends on perpetuating the oppression of the lower castes by the higher (Ambedkar 1987, 98). The truth, in all its perversity, was that caste-based servitude subsidized and enabled my attempt to avoid witnessing the harsh effects of the privilege I enjoyed.
*
One afternoon Mr. Desai dropped by for a “visit”, which he occasionally did. The dogs mobbed him for affection as he walked into the living room. I took advantage of the opportunity to ask him for some help communicating with Lakshmi.
“I’d like to be sure I understand if there is an issue with one of the dogs. Does Lakshmi have a problem with Pickles, the paralyzed dog? She doesn’t want to wash his leg bands,” I explained, pointing to the bands Pickles was wearing. “Is it really something she’s not supposed to do because of her caste?”
Mr. Desai tutted again and shook his head. “No. See here, let me talk to her.”
He called Lakshmi in and asked her a question in Gujarati, to which she offered an earnest response. Was she saying she thought Pickles had an infection? I couldn’t tell. He then continued, pointing to Pickles, then to the garden, then back to Pickles again, expounding something or other. As he drew his statements to a close, Lakshmi communicated her assent with repeated “hahn ji’s” and a series of graceful head nods.
“She says it’s not a problem. She will do it,” said Mr. Desai.
If this was a neocolonial drama, it was clear who the neo-Sahib was, and it wasn’t me. I was merely a supporting actor.
Mr. Desai had no interest in Lakshmi’s point of view, and she clearly wasn’t inclined to share it with him, like she had with me via our driver, Mukesh. Mr. Desai skipped right along from the dog laundry issue to that of an old unused sofa I’d moved from the upstairs veranda down into the servants’ area.
“Why have you been moving the sofa downstairs?” he asked. “The servants will not work. They will only be visiting and talking.”
“It’s not being used up there,” I replied, “and Lakshmi and the driver don’t have anywhere to sit or rest while they’re taking a break.”
“They will only take breaks and do nothing else. You have to watch them.”
“Okay, I will,” I lied.
*
Late one night while my husband was away on business, I went down to the kitchen to fill up the bedroom water jug. Fluorescent light from the servants’ patio streamed through the small window above the sink. I knew Lakshmi preferred to sleep outside in the summer to escape the stifling heat of the small maid’s bedroom, which had a fan but no air conditioning. I looked out the kitchen window, which offered only a view of the clothesline, and the outside wall. By stepping on my tiptoes and stretching as far as I could across the sink, I could glimpse a sliver of the patio. There I beheld Lakshmi, from shoulder level up, eyes closed, arms above her head, writhing silently on her charpoy, or string cot, in what appeared to be the throes of either real or simulated ecstasy.
“That’s odd,” I thought, as I turned and went back to my room.
I didn’t think anything more of it until after my husband returned. One day as we sat in the living room, I remembered the incident and told him about it. Just as I was acting out for him the ecstatic writhing I’d witnessed, Lakshmi walked in and, upon seeing my improvisation, burst into a hearty, raucous laugh. Whether she knew I was imitating her I couldn’t tell.
Shortly thereafter I received a call from an agitated Mr. Desai. “Lakshmi has been having men visiting the house at night,” he said, his tone short. “The servants at my friend’s house across the road have seen it.”
It took me a few moments to connect the dots. Unbeknownst to us, Lakshmi had been holding court at night in the servants’ area, “entertaining men” until the wee hours on her charpoy. Mr. Desai was furious.
“I have fired her. She will be leaving today.”
I was astonished. He had dismissed her on the spot, without consulting us, before we’d even had a chance to assess the situation.
“Shouldn’t she be given a warning and a second chance?” I asked. What if it hadn’t been “men” but a man, a lover? What if the accusations against her had been motivated by a dispute between Lakshmi and the neighbour’s servants?
Mr. Desai wasn’t open to negotiation.
“No. It’s not safe. Some of these fellows are drunkards and thieves,” he said, when I asked if he would reconsider. “I told her no visitors when I hired her. She knows the rules. She cannot stay.” He clearly thought I was terribly naive, just like his last foreign tenant.
I wondered if Lakshmi’s nighttime liaisons were driven by business, or pleasure. The profusion of sex workers in India, mostly from Dalit, Adivasi, or other minority communities, were forced into the trade because of poverty.
A rickety lorry came that very day to collect Lakshmi, Lala, and their belongings, and take them back to their village. Pickles, Button, and Penelope stood barking at the suspect vehicle from behind the fence as Lala and the driver loaded it up. I paid Lakshmi her wages for the month, along with a severance package of sorts to help keep her on her feet for a while.
Lakshmi stood erect, moved with grace, and responded with smiling charm when I went outside to say goodbye. If she felt sadness or despair or regret, it didn’t show. I certainly did. I felt that I’d failed her, that somehow if I’d made more of an effort to be an engaged memsahib, she’d still be employed. Lakshmi climbed onto the truck to where Lala sat perched atop the jumble of charpoys and bundles of clothes and other personal effects.
“Where will she go?” I asked Mr. Desai. “What will she do?”
“She will go back to her village, to her late husband’s family.”
Off they went, teetering truck squeaking and groaning on its hinges over the dusty cobblestones, returning to where they came from, reclaimed by the tendrils of family and tradition. I never saw Lakshmi or Lala again.References
Ambedkar, B.R. 1987. “The Hindu Social Order: Its Essential Principles.” Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches (vol. 3). New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation.
Ambedkar, B.R. 2004. The Annihilation of Caste. New York: Columbia University. Accessed April 20, 2019. http://ccnmtl.columbia.edu/projects/mmt/ambedkar/web/readings/aoc_print_2004.pdf.
Brontë, Charlotte. 1897. Jane Eyre. London: Service & Paton. Accessed November 16, 2020. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/1260/1260-h/1260-h.htm.
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Last night I dreamt I was at a barbecue. The atmosphere was festive. People were eating burgers. I went to the prep area to see how the burgers were made. With a set of tongs, the cook would pick up a live rat—a very large rat the size of a big domestic cat. He would immobilize the rat, pressing her down firmly against the table with the tongs, then electrocute her with a curling iron pressed against her neck. The rat’s body would then go through a meat grinder, the shredded meat seasoned and pressed into burgers, and the burgers barbecued. People were happily eating the burgers as they came off the grill, enjoying the company, laughing and playing games in the summer sunshine. I told people about how the burgers were made, about what was being done to the rats to make the burgers. Nobody appeared to care, or to find the information of any interest. It was like I was speaking but no sound was coming out. There was sound coming out, but no one seemed to hear my words or pay any heed. The message was bouncing off a wall of momentum, a steady rush of fun that nothing was going to stop.
When I woke up, I opened the Bible and turned to the book of Isaiah. In chapter six, I read God’s instructions to the prophet:
Go, and say to this people: “Keep on hearing, but do not understand; keep on seeing, but do not perceive.” Make the heart of this people dull, and their ears heavy, and blind their eyes; lest they see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their hearts, and turn and be healed (Isaiah 6.9-10).
I realized that Isaiah was contending, some 2,700 years ago, with the same dullness of conscience that today enables us to enjoy, without regret or contrition, foods derived from processes that inflict relentless suffering on our fellow creatures of flesh. The field of psychology has granted a name to the dulling of conscience and hardness of heart described in the book of Isaiah: “psychic numbing”.
Psychic numbing is an interruption in psychoemotional processing which leads to diminished or blunted feeling. It is facilitated by and manifested in various ego defense mechanisms. Psychic numbing is thought to allow one to participate in violent practices without experiencing apparent cognitive-affective disturbance (Lifton, 1986). The ideology of meat production and consumption has been referred to as carnism (Joy, 2001). The collective and individual defenses observed in carnistic culture suggest that psychic numbing may play a role in meat consumption. This carnistic numbing may be expressed through the defense mechanisms of denial, avoidance, rationalization, justification, and dissociation. (…) Carnistic numbing might help to explain why an individual can consume meat without experiencing any overt distress. (PhD dissertation abstract, Melanie Joy, Psychic numbing and meat consumption: The psychology of carnism, 2002).
When we persist in indulging our appetites regardless of the cost to others, not only do we harm those others, we harm ourselves. Psalm 78 provides a compelling object lesson on the price of insisting on eating what we want, in defiance of what is right:
They tested God in their heart by demanding the food they craved. (…) He caused the east wind to blow in the heavens, and by his power he led out the south wind; he rained meat on them like dust, winged birds like the sand of the seas; he let them fall in the midst of their camp, all around their dwellings. And they ate and were well filled, for he gave them what they craved. But before they had satisfied their craving, while the food was still in their mouths, the anger of God rose against them, and he killed the strongest of them and laid low the young men of Israel (Psalm 78. 18, 26-31).
The passage describes the inbuilt mechanisms of cosmic judgment that afflict a community bent on indulging its appetites in violation of universal laws set in place by the Creator. The very language — “he rained meat on them like dust” — evokes Moses’s account of the third plague unleashed on the Egyptians in which dust became a mass of gnats that tormented the people and the animals.
Now that we’re experiencing our own transgression-induced plague, will we ‘see with our eyes, hear with our ears, understand with our hearts, and turn and be healed’, or will we persist, like the ancient Egyptians under Pharaoh, on the path to collective self-destruction?
From coronavirus and E. coli, to crime, cruelty, and ecocide, the meat industry incubates a cornucopia of ills. Why, then, does government underwrite it with billions in subsidies?
[Note: This story contains graphic details from accounts by slaughterhouse workers.]
“Workers stand shoulder to shoulder, wielding knives. It’s loud, it’s slippery, it’s wet and there’s blood everywhere…”
No, that’s not an eyewitness account of a visit to a Chinese wet market. It’s a union leader’s recent description of the daily routine inside a typical North American slaughterhouse. It’s no surprise, then, that what are essentially industrialized wet markets have provided the perfect launching pad for the hyper spread of COVID-19. The difference is that this time it’s intensively confined people, rather than pangolins or bats or other caged creatures, who are propagating the pathogen.
The largest single-site outbreaks of COVID-19 in Canada and the U.S. have occurred in meatpacking plants, where social distancing is impossible. Investigations have linked the rapid spread of the virus in the plants and their surrounding communities to processing companies’ failure to protect their workforce. Industry employers, including JBS, Smithfield Foods, Tyson Foods, and Cargill, did not provide the necessary protective gear to their workers. According to numerous employee accounts, managers also pressured workers to report for shifts when they were showing symptoms of coronavirus infection. In one case, an asymptomatic Cargill worker who tested positive and went into mandatory 14-day quarantine was asked to come back to work after three days. Workers at the same Cargill plant reported that the company began offering bonuses to entice those self-isolating back to work during the outbreak. At a Smithfield distribution facility, a supervisor reportedly told workers the coronavirus couldn’t survive in the plant’s cold temperatures. At a JBS plant, a worker who became ill was refused permission to go home. He remained at work, doing his job handing out smocks and gloves to hundreds of employees. Soon thereafter the worker tested positive for COVID-19. He ended up in the ICU on a ventilator. Thankfully, he survived.
The failure of meatpacking companies to protect their employees, who are mostly immigrants, temporary foreign workers, and undocumented laborers, has turned the communities in which the plants are located into infection hotspots. Coronavirus infection rates in the counties housing the largest U.S. cow, chicken, and pig processing plants, for example, are 75% higher than in other U.S. counties. The number of employee deaths is rising, and infections stemming from the plant outbreaks, which have spilled over into towns and cities across the continent, are in the thousands. In Canada, labor federation officials have requested a criminal investigation.
While all eyes are focused on the compounding contagion, what’s been eclipsed by the current crisis in meatpacking plants is that COVID-19 is but one sickness in an industry that sickens and injures workers, their communities, animals, consumers, and the environment on an unparalleled scale. The unpalatable truth about what goes on in the industry that produces so much of the world’s food is so disturbing that it is intentionally and necessarily concealed. Consumers prefer not to know.
But consumers need to know.
The coronavirus pandemic—the product of a toxic human-animal interface—and the exploding rates of infection among meat plant workers and the communities in which they live, demand that we look at, acknowledge, and—hopefully—remedy the ills of a catastrophic system we can no longer afford to ignore.
The current pandemic notwithstanding, it’s not just the coronavirus that’s making workers sick at North American meat-processing companies. Slaughterhouse and meatpacking workers have long experienced the highest rates of workplace injury of all manufacturing industries. They are three times more likely than the average worker to suffer serious injuries, including amputations, burns, and head trauma. At US meat plants, amputations stemming from workplace accidents occur an average of twice a week. Because of their constant exposure to chemicals and pathogens, workers are more prone to a host of diseases including lung cancer and hepatitis. Countless injuries and illnesses in the slaughter and meat processing industry go unreported because workers, many of whom have no other employment options, fear losing their jobs. For temporary foreign and undocumented workers, job loss can mean deportation.
In addition to higher rates of illness and physical injury, industrial farm and slaughterhouse workers sustain high rates of trauma in conjunction with the brutality of the work, which manifests variously as depression, hostility, panic, paranoia, and even psychosis. Ed Van Winkle, a former employee at a hog slaughterhouse, confessed: “the worst thing, worse than the physical danger, is the emotional toll… Pigs down on the kill floor have come up and nuzzled me like a puppy. Two minutes later I had to kill them—beat them to death with a pipe. I can’t care.”
Researchers have found that the intensification of animal agriculture has resulted in increased emotional distancing between farm workers and slaughterers, and the cows, pigs, chickens, and other animals they raise and kill. The sheer number of animals to be processed and the pressure under which workers are compelled to operate preclude all possibility of meaningful connection between the workers and the animals they handle. That affective disconnect has borne toxic fruit: a greater propensity for violence against those animals by the workers themselves. Studies and undercover investigations, in addition to accounts by employees, have revealed that animal agriculture workers frequently commit acts of deliberate animal cruelty on the job. Virgil Butler, a Tyson slaughterhouse employee-turned-whistleblower, explained how his colleagues regularly found amusement in tying the legs of live chickens in square knots: “they would dislocate the chicken’s legs at the hips and knees. Then loop one leg over the other across their stomach, and pull it tight. Then they would break both legs and loop them back through each other a 2nd time to form a square knot. …I have picked up these birds before and untied their legs. The bones inside their legs felt like a sack of broken glass. They would usually be bleeding in several places where the bones would break through the skin.”
Like coronavirus sickness, the violence intrinsic to the work of killing and dismembering for a living infects the communities in which the plants are located. In Upton Sinclair’s 1906 novel, The Jungle, murder, rape, and other violent crimes become commonplace among abattoir workers, who get desensitized to violence by the daily brutality of their jobs. The “Sinclair effect,” referring to the spillover of violent behavior from the workplace into the community, has proven true to life. Slaughterhouse employment measurably increases rates of domestic abuse and violent crime in communities: the larger the slaughterhouse, the higher the number of crimes.
Coupled with higher rates of violence are elevated substance abuse rates. Explaining why he thought so many of his colleagues had problems with alcohol, one former “hog sticker” said: “They have to drink, they have no other way of dealing with killing live, kicking animals all day long. If you stop and think about it, you’re killing several thousand beings a day.”
As detrimental as slaughterhouse work can be for human workers and the communities in which they live, the fate for farmed animals is far worse. The pace of “disassembly” lines is so fast that it’s not uncommon for animals to pass the stunning point and still be fully conscious when they get to the next processing station. Pigs, for example, are meant to be dead by the time their bodies are dropped in the vats of boiling water that soften their hides. Those who aren’t “get up to the scalding tank, hit the water and start screaming and kicking. Sometimes they thrash so much they kick water out of the tank… Sooner or later they drown… I’m not sure if they burn to death before they drown, but it takes them a couple of minutes to stop thrashing,” explained former Morrell slaughterhouse worker Tommy Vladak.
A Washington Post exposé based on workers’ testimonies and backed up by video footage revealed similarly botched slaughtering in cow slaughter plants. One worker at the IBP plant in question, Ramon Moreno, had the job of cutting the hocks off hanging cow carcasses as they filed past on the disassembly line. The cows were supposed to be dead. All too frequently, they weren’t. The live and conscious cows—on some days dozens of them—still had their hocks cut off, and other parts, some cows surviving as far as the abdomen cutting and hide removal stations. “They blink. They make noises. The head moves, the eyes are wide and looking around,” said Moreno. “They die piece by piece.”
Martin Fuentes, a long-time worker at the same plant whose arm was badly broken by the frantic kicks of one such cow, said “I’ve seen thousands and thousands of cows go through the slaughter process alive. The cows can get seven minutes down the line and still be alive. I’ve been in the side-puller where they’re still alive. All the hide is stripped out down the neck there.” Veterinarian and former hamburger plant inspector Lester Friedlander attested to the frequency of the botched slaughters. “In plants all over the United States, this happens on a daily basis,” he said.
Frequent botched slaughters are not limited to IBP. Virgil Butler, the former Tyson slaughterhouse worker, described his work as follows: “With a sharp six-inch knife you slit the throats of the chickens the machines miss. You catch as many birds as you can because the ones you miss go straight into the scalder alive… It was also not uncommon for me to have to kill up to 30 birds in a row. And I know that I didn’t get them all—I couldn’t… And it really bothered me when I missed one and heard the poor bird go through the scalder alive, thrashing and bumping against the sides of it as it slowly died.” Such was the fate of an average 825,000 chickens and 18,000 turkeys per year at meat plants throughout North America in 2013.
Numerous exposés, whistleblower reports, and undercover investigations documenting botched slaughters, deliberate acts of cruelty, and animals skinned, boiled, and butchered alive notwithstanding, in 2018 the USDA approved increasing line speeds in chicken slaughter plants from 140 to 175 birds per minute—almost three birds per second—with predictable results. An investigation that same year found birds getting punched, thrown, scalded alive, and slowly drowned in malfunctioning electrified stunning baths. In 2019, the USDA removed line speed limits in pig slaughtering plants so U.S. meat producers could profit from the gap in supply created by a deadly epidemic ravaging China’s industrial pig farms.
It’s not only the last chapter of farmed animals’ lives at the slaughterhouse that is marked by evident brutality. Industry standards for the farming, transport, and slaughter of farmed animals in the intensive animal operations from which almost all meat and dairy derives necessarily consign those animals to lives of deprivation and affliction. To raise the 83 billion land animals killed each year for food under conditions that would afford them the capacity to engage in their natural behaviors, such as maternal relationships, foraging, social bonds, juvenile play, and freedom of movement, is impossible. There is simply not enough planet on which to do it. Industry’s solution is mass confinement, genetic modification, and intensification and streamlining of production, all of which necessarily reduces farmed cows, sheep, pigs, chickens and other animals to resources, rather than individuals.
The objectification of billions of sentient beings that, unlike plastic products pumped out on assembly lines, experience pain and fear, and have physical and emotional needs, has resulted in an unparalleled degree of suffering. Agribusiness companies are so sensitive to the exposure of that suffering that they have succeeded, in some jurisdictions, in criminalizing the photographing and videotaping of standard industry practices. Those practices include the removal of newborn calves destined for veal from their frantic mothers, whose milk is reserved for human consumption. “Downed” dairy cows who can no longer walk are removed with bulldozers and forklifts. Every year, an estimated 7 billion newborn male chicks, deemed of no use in egg production, are killed, most commonly gassed or shredded alive in maceration machines. Millions of female pigs are confined in crates just large enough for their bodies that prevent them from walking or turning around. Calves are routinely disbudded, castrated, and branded without anaesthetic. Chickens, debeaked without anaesthetic, are kept their entire lives in high-density, ammonia-filled warehouses. Genetically modified to grow quickly, they struggle to bear their own weight and are plagued by physical ailments.
Millions of animals die every year en route to slaughterhouses in Canada and the U.S., killed by long journeys in extreme temperatures, during which they are denied access to food, water, or rest. Of those who make it to slaughter, the final trip down the high-speed kill lines in meat processing plants means thousands of animals each day are denied a quick or painless death. With the current slaughter backlog caused by the COVID-19-induced disruptions at meat plants, industrial farms are culling millions of animals, now classified as waste, on site. The culling methods specified by the American Veterinary Medical Association’s guidelines for “depopulation” include gassing, suffocation with foam, and induced hyperthermia achieved by turning up the heat and switching off ventilation systems.
Slaughterhouse work negatively impacts workers and the communities in which they live, and the intensive animal agriculture industry consigns farmed animals to lives of relentless affliction. The intensive confinement and stress to which these animals are subject has such adverse effects on their development that industrial-scale farm operators are obligated to keep the animals on constant doses of antibiotics. Between 2000 and 2018, the growing demand for meat led to a tripling of the incidence of antibiotic-resistant bacteria in animals raised for food.
What are literally sickening conditions for intensively farmed animals have serious implications for human health. In the U.S., approximately 70 percent of antibiotics are now fed to animals grown for food for the purpose of growth promotion. The resulting rise in antibiotic resistance means that infections in humans once easily treatable can now prove fatal. A 2013 study found that people living near pig farms or farm fields fertilized with pig manure were 30 percent more likely to become infected with antibiotic resistant Staphylococcus. Currently, an estimated 33,000 people in the E.U. die every year from infections caused by antibiotic-resistant bacteria. In the U.S., more than 2.8 million people contract antibiotic-resistant infections every year, resulting in over 35,000 deaths. Cognizant of the dangers in the 1970s, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration attempted to restrict the use of subtherapeutic antibiotics in animal feed. Under pressure from meat and pharmaceutical lobbies, the U.S. Congress overrode the FDA.
Antibiotic resistance is not the only threat to human health posed by intensive animal agriculture. The consumption of animal products themselves is linked with elevated rates of heart disease, diabetes, and certain cancers. Americans, who eat more meat per capita than anyone else, have double the obesity and diabetes rates of the rest of the world, and among the highest cancer rates. Millions of people are sickened each year by foodborne pathogens such as Listeria, E. coli, and Salmonella in contaminated meat. But potentially worse is that industrial animal farms, in which billions of cows, pigs, chickens, ducks, sheep, and other animals are intensively confined in unhygienic, stress-inducing conditions, have proven ideal incubators for the transmission of disease and the mutation of viruses, some—like bird flu and swine flu—that have already caused pandemics in the past and will undoubtedly do so again.
As if the pandemic risk alone weren’t cause enough for a complete overhaul of agribusiness, the sector has proven extremely destructive to the planet. The largest study of the environmental damage caused by farming shows that even the lowest impact meat and dairy products cause considerably more harm to the environment than the least sustainable vegetables and grains. Companies in the supply chain of JBS, the world’s largest meat producer, for example, are linked to the destruction of approximately 300 square kilometres of Amazon rainforest annually to graze cows for beef export. Every minute, animals raised for food in the U.S. produce an estimated seven million tons of excrement. Intensive farming for meat and dairy poisons rivers and groundwater, acidifies oceans, razes forests, accelerates the extinction of species, and produces more environment-destroying gases than all the world’s SUV’s, freighters, planes, and other modes of transport combined.
Industrial animal agribusiness exploits and afflicts its workers and their communities, subjects billions of farmed animals to lives of unyielding torment, harms the health of consumers and the planet, and creates the conditions for pandemics more lethal than COVID-19, all while enjoying billions in taxpayer-funded subsidies. For the meat and dairy industry in the U.S., those subsidies amount to $38 billion per year, most of which go not to small and mid-size farmers and ranchers, but to big corporations. The subsidies, along with all the hidden costs externalized to other sectors like healthcare, mean that producers have been able to keep meat and dairy prices artificially low. If all the costs of producing, say, ground beef, were included in the retail price, a five-dollar hamburger would actually sell for $13. Hence the surreal economic calculus that allows a meat producer to stay in business and make a profit even when the market value of his cows is half that of what it costs to raise them.
Why, then, if it’s so clearly harmful in so many ways, does the industrialized farming of animals persist? If governments can shutter entire economies to prevent the spread of one disease, why wouldn’t they prohibit, or at least severely restrict, one industry to prevent many diseases, deaths, and social and environmental ills? That that industry is given carte blanche to continue wreaking individual, social, and planet-wide havoc attests to a self-serving nexus of vested interests. The motive of key players in agribusiness, mega-corporations like Tyson, Cargill, JBS, and Smithfield Foods, is obvious: profit—profit, over every other consideration, including the lives and welfare of their workers, the communities in which they operate, the farmed animals they disassemble and process, and the environment they despoil.
In the United States, the department that should be regulating industrial animal agriculture, the USDA, time and again has proven to function as its proponent by, for example, pushing for industrial practices like line speed increases that augment industry profits while increasing harm to farmed animals. Even more curious is that this government body that is supposed to oversee the industry manages some $550 million worth of programs that promote the consumption of meat and dairy. Each marketing dollar spent on ad campaigns generated by those programs, such as “Beef. It’s what’s for dinner.” and “Milk. It does a body good.,” generate an additional eight dollars in sales of meat, dairy, and eggs. The USDA spends taxpayer dollars to stimulate demand. Workers and consumers pay with their health, workers and animals pay with their lives, and the viability of the ecosystem is increasingly jeopardized. That a number of USDA board members have had financial interests in the food industry makes for glaring conflicts of interest, as does the practice of high level USDA regulators moving into lucrative jobs at major agribusiness corporations. In 2017, mega-meat multinational JBS hired former senior USDA official Al Almanza who, while at the USDA, obliged meat producers by advocating for the deregulation of poultry, pork, and beef inspections. JBS has spent almost $8 million on lobbying in the U.S. since 2007. In return, it has received more than $900 million in government contracts. From repeated failures to enforce the minimal standards of the Humane Slaughter Act, to outright vested financial interests in the meat industry, the USDA has betrayed the public trust as a reliable overseer of animal agriculture.
If the engine of government bureaucracy has failed to rein in the evils of agribusiness, so have politicians. Take President Trump’s recent invocation of the Defense Production Act. The stated pretext of keeping meat plants open is to protect food security and avoid meat shortages. But does it really have to do with food? Animal affairs writer Merritt Clifton says no. “(The) risk of a U.S. food shortage during the COVID-19 pandemic had nothing to do with (it),” he writes. What it’s about, according to Clifton, is “fear of loss of jobs and votes for Republican incumbents in previously politically secure ‘red states’.” He also cites science and business writer Roger Witherspoon’s view that the goal of the executive order is to enable “meat companies to keep their plants open and require the workers to show up without incurring liability if (they) get sick and die.” The order has granted a license to states to force employees who fear catching COVID-19 back to work or risk losing unemployment benefits. Meat, it seems, is essential. “The workers,” says Witherspoon, “are disposable.”
Agribusiness corporations have succeeded in leveraging political and financial interests to hijack all significant attempts at curtailing their freedom to do business however they want, regardless of the costs. Bureaucrats and politicians have assisted, rather than hindered them, profiting along the way. And though it’s easy to assign blame to others when there are such formidable bullies in the room, consumers cannot claim innocence. If there were not continued demand for meat and dairy, there would be no industrial animal agribusiness. Meat producers, retailers, and restaurants know this, which is why, as the tide begins to shift, they’ve started including plant-based meat substitutes among the products they offer.
The COVID-19 pandemic has disabused us of the luxury of denial. Never has it been more apparent that the path to perdition is lined with cheeseburgers and chicken wings, pangolins and parmesan, steaks and lattes, and ribs and bacon. The average citizen may be powerless to tackle agribusiness head on, but each of us has a potent weapon at our disposal: our food choices. As long as we continue buying and consuming the products of industrial animal agriculture, we, alongside agribusiness bosses and compromised officials, share in the culpability for the sickened and exploited workers, the degraded communities, the tortured animals, the poisoned planet, and a diminished humanity. Although we’ve conveniently delegated to marginalized individuals with few vocational options the diabolical task of killing farmed animals and turning them into meat, the scourge with which the animal agriculture industry has for so long afflicted its exploited workforce and its farmed animal victims has finally come to plague us all in the form of COVID-19. The French writer Georges Bataille wrote: “the slaughterhouse is cursed and quarantined like a boat carrying cholera.” We are finally all in the same infected boat. The question is whether we are determined to sink that boat, or make new choices to reach the shore.
This story was originally published on Medium on May 7, 2020.
The Chinese government announced it would permanently ban the wildlife trade suspected to be at the center of the COVID-19 pandemic. Will factory farms be next?
German chancellor Otto von Bismarck is alleged to have challenged one of his critics to a duel in 1865. According to the apocryphal tale, it was left to the critic, a pathologist with an understanding of the disease links between humans and farmed animals, to select the arms. His weapon of choice? Meat—two pork sausages, identical except that one was infested with the potentially lethal parasite Trichinella. Bismarck could choose which sausage to eat, and his opponent would eat the other. The pathologist won by default. Bismarck recognized the power of the weapon wielded against him, and declined the contest.
More recently, another political power experienced defeat by meat. In February, the Chinese government, finally aware that the wildlife trade’s exorbitant costs have far exceeded its profits, has likewise opted to back away from potentially lethal meat by issuing a permanent ban on the consumption and trade of wild animals. Unfortunately, the ban has come too late. The novel coronavirus, with its suspected source in bats, via pangolins, is believed to have emerged at one of China’s wild animal markets. COVID-19, the acute respiratory disease caused by the virus, has spread around the globe, killing thousands, infecting hundreds of thousands, and costing the global economy trillions.
China’s wild animal markets have long been identified as optimal sites for the emergence of zoonotic viruses with pandemic potential. Stressed animals, immunologically compromised and crowded together in unhygienic conditions, create ideal conditions for the propagation of disease. Activities related to the captivity, handling, transport, slaughter, and consumption of those animals enable diseases to jump to humans. That is precisely what transpired with the 2003 SARS epidemic that infected over 8,000 people, killed 774, and cost the global economy an estimated $40 billion. Civet cats at a wildlife market in Guangdong were identified as the likely vector for transmission of the SARS virus to humans. COVID-19 has already far exceeded the toll of the 2003 SARS outbreak, in both lives and dollars.
SARS and COVID-19 are but two of a series of infectious diseases that have emerged in the human pursuit of meat. Ebola, which has claimed over 13,000 human lives since 2014, has been traced to fruit bats and primates butchered for food. In 1998, the Nipah virus jumped to humans from fruit bats via intensively farmed pigs in Malaysia and killed over half of the humans infected. Measles, responsible for the deaths of millions since its emergence in antiquity, is believed to have originated from a virus in sheep and goats that spilled over to the human population through the process of domestication. HIV, the virus that causes AIDS, was first identified in chimpanzees in West Africa in 1989, and jumped to humans likely through the hunting, butchering, and/or consumption of HIV-infected primates. AIDS, to date, has killed over 32 million people.
The pattern is sobering: the human quest for meat functions as a key driver of the emergence of deadly infectious diseases that kill countless human and nonhuman animals.
Considering the toll, and the ongoing threat to lives and livelihoods posed by COVID-19, it’s worth asking whether the conditions that led to its emergence exist elsewhere. The answer is a resounding yes: conditions conducive to the emergence and spread of virulent pathogens exist in industrialized animal farming operations. Ninety-nine percent of farmed animals in the U.S. come from factory farms. Globally, the figure is 90 percent. The vast majority of meat, dairy, and eggs consumed today come from operations in which billions of cows, pigs, chickens, ducks, goats, sheep, and other immunologically-compromised animals are confined in cramped, unhygienic conditions, and often transported long distances. These operations have been identified as hot spots for the cross-infection of diseases and the mutation of viruses, some with pandemic potential.
Avian influenza, or “bird flu,” is another case in point. Humans have more in common with chickens than most realize, namely a susceptibility to infection with similar viruses. Human pandemics can arise when a strain of the avian influenza virus is transmitted from its source in wild aquatic birds to farmed chickens. A strain of avian influenza caused the 1918 Spanish Flu pandemic that killed 50 to 100 million humans. Tens of thousands of wounded WWI soldiers had gathered in crowded, unhygienic army camps on the Western Front, in close proximity to pig farms and duck, geese, and chicken markets; the circumstances resulted in cross-species transmission of the virus. The demobilization of troops at the end of the war served as the means of dispersing the virus around the globe. Those same pandemic-producing conditions currently exist in industrialized animal farming operations, the main difference being that in 1918, the soldiers functioned as the warehoused chickens through which the virus simmered and then propagated.
Avian influenza viruses are especially dangerous because some strains infect not only birds but also other mammals. When two or more strains of the virus infect the same cell in, say, a pig, a chicken, or a human, the animal or human host acts as a “mixing vessel”—like a cocktail shaker—in which the different strains undergo a process of “reassortment.” The various strains combine to create “novel”—new—strains of infectious disease with pandemic potential. When an avian influenza virus infected farmed pigs, it evolved to produce the H1N1 strain of swine flu, itself a combination of four different viruses from three different species—pigs, birds, and humans. The resulting 1957 Asian Flu pandemic and the 1968 Hong Kong Flu pandemic each caused between one and four million human deaths; the 2009 H1N1 Swine Flu epidemic killed almost 300,000 people. These figures do not include the numbers of animal deaths, which far exceed the human toll. The African Swine Fever virus currently ravaging pig farming operations in China, for example, has led to the death of millions of pigs, many culled by brutal means. The same virus has led to the culling of almost six million pigs in Vietnam in the past year alone. The mandatory killing of farmed animals wherever contagions emerge—whether the animals are infected or not—is not limited to Asia. More than 6.5 million cows, pigs, and sheep were culled in Britain in 2001 during the foot-and-mouth disease epidemic. The repeated, worldwide, infection-induced, mass culling of farmed animals should itself serve as a grave warning sign of a dangerously unhealthy industry, whether one is concerned solely for the wellbeing of one’s own species or for that of others. The viruses that periodically trigger such mass killings continue to combine and mutate, creating novel, potentially lethal diseases to which no one is immune.
Numerous studies demonstrate how intensive animal farming increases the risk of pandemics. Research shows that confined animal feeding operations amplify novel influenza strains and that large-scale commercial animal farms increase the risk of outbreaks and transmission of zoonotic disease, function to maintain and disperse highly virulent strains of influenza and increase the frequency and scale of highly pathogenic outbreaks. It also shows that factory farm-induced deforestation and rampant antibiotic use heighten risk of the emergence of novel diseases. Intensive animal farming unquestionably poses a grave, pandemic-level threat to human and animal health. A 2017 study found that the speed with which new strains of influenza are emerging has increased since 2000, raising the likelihood of pandemics. In the present, grim context of yet another global pandemic precipitated by the human demand for meat, we’ve largely chosen to remain willfully ignorant of the dangers posed by the source of the vast majority of that meat: factory farms.
Evolutionary ecologist Rob Wallace, author of Big Farms Make Big Flu, argues that a factory farm-spawned pandemic is not just possible; it’s probable. “Agribusiness,” he writes, “backed by state power at home and abroad, is now working as much with influenza as against it.” Dr. Michael Greger, author of How Not to Die and Bird Flu: A Virus of Our Own Hatching, calls factory farming a “perfect storm environment” for “super-strains” of infectious diseases. “If you actually want to create global pandemics,” he says, “then build factory farms.” Some may consider such perspectives to be extreme, but they are echoed by mainstream voices. In 2008, the Pew Commission, in its report on industrial farm animal production in America, warned of the “unacceptable” public health risks posed by industrialized animal agriculture. Public health professionals have long been aware of the dangers. In 2003, an editorial in the American Journal of Public Health advocated for an end to factory farming, explicitly acknowledging that killing animals for food—especially via intensive animal agriculture—increases the likelihood of epidemics. The author of that prescient article, Dr. David Benatar, wrote: “Those who consume animals not only harm those animals and endanger themselves, but they also threaten the well-being of other humans who currently or will later inhabit the planet…It is time for humans to remove their heads from the sand and recognize the risk to themselves that can arise from their maltreatment of other species.”
In China, before the COVID-19 outbreak led authorities to announce the closure of the wildlife trade, the industry was valued at over $74 billion. Critics, aware of the trade’s potential to unleash virulent infectious diseases, have for years complained that government policy has been hijacked by commercial interests. It took an epidemic and near-shutdown of the Chinese economy to precipitate a ban on the consumption and trade of wildlife. The conditions that triggered the emergence of COVID-19 exist in plain sight on factory farms. Shouldn’t governments take action before the emergence of another, possibly deadlier, epidemic, rather than after? The economic interests of intensive animal farming operations—not to mention our own appetites for flesh—continue to eclipse the imperatives of public health. If policymakers are serious about preventing pandemics rather than reacting to the carnage after the fact, then it’s time to do with factory farms what China did with the wildlife trade—shut them down altogether.
This article was originally published on Sentient Media on March 19, 2020.
Monkey is born free, but he is everywhere in chains.
Ramu the monkey hovered beside Sarada, picking through the shelter manager’s long black locks, looking for edible tidbits in her scalp and eyebrows. Every so often he would find something, pick it with his delicate fingers, and pop it into his mouth. I spent several weeks in Visakhapatnam, India, in 2008, where I met Ramu and Sarada, and filmed their interaction:
Ramu was a macaque. As a baby he’d been attacked by dogs and practically torn in two. Almost dead, he was picked up by the ambulance of the Visakha Society for the Protection and Care of Animals, stitched back together, and carefully nursed to health over a period of months. Though now healthy, his body displayed the scars of the attack – thick strips of knotted, gnarled skin running all the way down his back from his shoulder to his waist, on his arms, and elsewhere.
Some viewers enjoyed the soothing scene of Ramu grooming Sarada. They could see that there existed a relationship of trust and affection between the monkey and the woman. They appreciated the reasons for Ramu’s captivity, and extended grace to the animal shelter that, despite its limited resources, had saved Ramu’s life and provided him with a safe, if not perfect, place to live. Would a multi-million dollar primate sanctuary in the forest have been better? Sure, but there weren’t any in the neighborhood. Ramu got the best on offer.
The context of Ramu’s captivity seemed lost on other viewers of the video, a video that, inexplicably, has generated over a million views since I made it in 2008. What those viewers always noticed was the chain around Ramu’s neck. Not only did they notice it, they frequently unleashed a barrage of criticism on (I’m not sure who) for this act of supposed cruelty.
Despite repeated attempts at responding nicely to people with explanations (he’s not ready for release yet, if he gets away while out of his cage he could be attacked by dogs again, yes, a cloth collar would be nicer but he’s able to remove them), even years after uploading it, and adding to the information below the video to explain Ramu’s situation, I gave up. I even tried switching off the comments for a while. It didn’t matter. People were going to watch the video, say their piece, and move on to their next quarry. Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaks. I resigned myself to scrolling through the comments occasionally and deleting the vulgar and abusive ones.
The philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau penned the (modified) proverb with which I began this post. The real version, man is born free, but he is everywhere in chains, refers to Rousseau’s view that, like Ramu, we are born free, but repressive authorities, dominating individuals, and our own inauthentic needs work to enslave us. The goal of good government, he said, should be the freedom of its citizens.
To that end, I recently contacted Pradeep Nath, the VSPCA founder and president, for an update on Ramu. I was amazed to learn that sweet Ramu, a wounded creature I thought would spend the rest of his life in captivity, has been released under the supervision of the Forestry Department, along with four other macaques rescued and rehabilitated by the VSPCA. Good government indeed. And a lovely redemptive analogy: a redeemer rescues the monkey from certain death, and restores him back to life. Thus saved, the monkey lives within the constraints of a fallen, imperfect world, always carrying within himself an innate, God-given blueprint for freedom and full restoration.
It turns out Ramu did not hope in vain. Pradeep not only saved Ramu, he also effected his restoration to freedom, to life as intended, in a prototype paradise, itself a foretaste of the cosmic renewal to come.
Then I saw a new heaven and a new earth; for the first heaven and the first earth passed away. (…) And I heard a loud voice from the throne, saying, “Behold, the tabernacle of God is among men, and He will dwell among them, and they shall be His people, and God Himself will be among them, and He will wipe away every tear from their eyes; and there will no longer be any death; there will no longer be any mourning, or crying, or pain; the first things have passed away.” And He who sits on the throne said, “Behold, I am making all things new.” Revelation 21.1,3-5
As bushfires raged in Australia, viewers around the globe watched with trepidation the news story of a shirtless woman in sandals running toward a badly burnt koala clinging to a tree. The koala had just scrambled through the burning brush trying to escape the inferno. The woman, who’d taken off her shirt to wrap around the wounded creature, carried him to safety, doused him with bottled water, wrapped his bloodied body in a blanket, and drove him to a vet hospital. A collective cheer rose in all of us upon witnessing the heroic triumph.
Two years ago, a similar wave of celebration circled the globe during the devastating fires in southern California. Harrowing footage showed a young man at the edge of a highway saving a rabbit from certain death in a massive wall of fire.
The rescue of the rabbit and the koala affect us so deeply because they portray something we all long for – a happy ending. That we find these tales of rescue so gripping implies that we identify, at least on some level, with the creatures caught in the grip of impending catastrophe. We experience vicariously their fear, feeling it in our very bodies as our adrenaline spikes and our hearts pound. When the longed-for rescue at last takes place, we burst with relief, and then joy.
J.R.R. Tolkien, author of The Hobbit and The Lord of the Rings, had a term for that moment of triumph. He called it “eucatastrophe” – the point in a story at which certain disaster is overcome and its would-be victims delivered. That momentous instant, when good triumphs over evil, imparts to the reader profound joy: a catch of the breath, a beat and lifting of the heart, near to (or indeed accompanied by) tears. Happy endings were important for Tolkien, and he endeavoured to provide them to his readers.
The Bible, too, is dotted with dramatic, triumphant rescues – happy endings involving humans, animals, and a prototype redeemer who saves them from overpowering elements, then brings them to a place of safety and new beginnings. Noah saves his family and an ark-load of animals from the global deluge that wipes out the wicked of the earth. They emerge atop Mt. Ararat, from whence human and animal life begins anew.
Moses saves the Israelites from the murderous Pharaoh, guides them through the Red Sea to solid ground on the other side, and leads them on the quest for the Promised Land. And the animals? Yes, they’re there too. One of my favourite lines in the plague sequence comes after the ninth plague, when Pharaoh agrees the Israelites can leave, but tries to guarantee their return by forcing them to leave their animals behind. Not one hoof shall be left behind! answers Moses (Exodus 10.26).
Likewise, Joshua, Moses’ replacement, miraculously leads the Israelites – the men, their wives, their little ones, and the flocks of each tribe – through the Jordan and into the Promised Land.
These rescues are prototype redemptions, and they don’t end with the Bible. The woman saving the koala, the young man saving the rabbit, and the many other stories of heroic rescue that move us so deeply demonstrate that the archetypal redemption narrative repeats itself over and over again in real life. As Karen Armstrong said in the quote with which I opened part one of The Collapsing Cosmos, traditionally, a myth expressed a timeless truth that, in some sense, happened once, but which also happens all the time.
What is the timeless truth to which these recurring prototype redemptions point us?
According to the Scriptures, all of creation, including each of us, yearns for redemption. Why? Because we, like the imperiled koala and rabbit in the face of devouring flames, need it.
The 19th century Catholic cardinal, John Henry Newman, considered that humanity had been implicated in some terrible aboriginal calamity, a vast primordial catastrophe that knocked the creation out of joint with the purposes of its Creator. Barring a profound, cosmos-wide rescue, that “primordial catastrophe” set us on an inexorable path to destruction, just like the koala and the rabbit, had their respective redeemers not intervened.
If we are in the position of the rabbit in the news clip, headed straight for an apocalyptic demise – in our case, both spiritually and physically – then clearly, like characters in a Tolkien novel, we stand in need of rescue.
The good news is that there is rescue, and it, too, sounds like a story from a Tolkien novel. The rescuer is the Creator himself, who, out of devotion to his creation, assumed the form of one of us, and took the entirety of the “primordial catastrophe” of human failure upon himself, that we might be released from its terminal consequences. Tolkien thought of the story of Jesus Christ as a fantasy tale, with one crucial difference: he believed the gospel of Jesus Christ as rescuer-redeemer to be true. It was, he said, a story that has entered History and the primary world. (…) The Birth of Christ is the eucatastrophe of Man’s history, he explained.
This article was re-blogged on Clarion Journal of Spirituality & Justice on February 7, 2020.
“Traditionally, a myth expressed a timeless truth that, in some sense, happened once, but which also happens all the time.” Karen Armstrong, Recovering the Lost Art of Scripture: Rescuing the Sacred Texts. (Image: Google images)
Apocalyptic fires, erupting volcanoes, killer storms, devastating floods, voracious locust hordes, powerful earthquakes, mass animal extinctions, and a killer pandemic claiming more victims by the day… It’s as if we’re back in Egypt in the days of Pharaoh as the famous series of catastrophic plagues unfolds, ravages Egyptian society, and leads to its ruin. It seems a good time to ask whether the plague narrative has anything to say about why they occurred.
First, a brief look at those plagues. In the first one, found in chapter seven of the book of Exodus, the water of the Nile is turned to blood. All the marine life dies, and the stench of blood and rotting fish fill the air. You may remember that eight decades prior, at the time of the birth of Moses, then-Pharaoh ordered all the male Hebrew babies to be killed. They were cast into the Nile and drowned. Those sins are now catching up with Egypt. The water they depend on for life turns to blood, as with the blood of the murdered infants. This first plague heralds the start of a series of catastrophes that leads to the collapse of Egyptian society.
As the plagues unfold from blood to frogs to gnats to flies to the death of livestock, hail, locusts, and finally darkness, and the death of the firstborn, Pharaoh’s heart is repeatedly hardened – most of the time by Pharaoh himself, and three times by God. At each instance, Pharaoh persists in his refusal to set the Israelite slaves free. As a result, he brings disaster upon himself and his society. As this repeated hardening against what are essentially opportunities for mercy unfolds, Egyptian society and the creation itself – the land, the water, the air, and the animals – reap the bitter consequences of sin and evil. Could this be what is happening in our natural world today? Are the systems that sustain life collapsing under the weight of evil and unbridled human self-indulgence? Are the catastrophic weather and geological events, the apocalyptic natural disasters, the mass extinctions and epidemics symptoms of the creation staggering under the weight of humanity’s accumulated sin?
The Scriptures indicate that the creation indeed suffers as a result of human sin. How long will the land mourn and the grass of every field wither? For the evil of those who dwell in it the beasts and the birds are swept away laments the prophet Jeremiah (Jeremiah 12.4). Another Old Testament prophet, Hosea, says the same thing, that the disappearance of the beasts of the field, the birds of the heavens, and of the fish of the sea occurs a direct consequence of sin and evil (Hosea 4.3). Jeremiah continues: they have made my pleasant portion a desolate wilderness. They have made it a desolation; desolate, it mourns to me (Jeremiah 12.11). The Creator hears the cries of his creatures and his creation as it suffers under the burden of humanity’s sin. And in the book of Leviticus we’re told what happens when a society’s sins reach their culmination: the land “vomits out” its inhabitants (Leviticus 18.25).
Throughout biblical history there are examples of civilizations collapsing, getting “vomited out”, their empires rendered desolate – human society before the Flood, the Egyptians, the Babylonians, the Medes & Persians, the Romans, the Jews – as all these people groups, in their free will, choose to defy the laws set in place by the Creator for the flourishing of life, and instead set their own course. Is this to be our fate as well?
The plague sequence in the book of Exodus mirrors the creation sequence of the first book of Genesis. Both of them unfold in patterns of threes. This is not simply random trivia. It demonstrates that the way we choose to live has a profound impact on the course of the creation – which is precisely what happens in the case of the Egyptians and the plagues.
In the creation account in Genesis 1, God declares a realm into existence – for example, “Let there be light.” He splits it into two realms – day and night. Then he fills each realm – the day with the sun and the night with the moon and the luminaries of the heavens. He proceeds in the same manner – one, two, three, one, two, three, one, two, three – as if composing a grand cosmic symphony, as he creates the heavens, the earth, the land, the sea, and all that fills them. It’s a cycle of ever abounding and flourishing life.
In the account of the plagues we see this same structure based on threes, marked by whether the plague in question is initiated by Aaron’s staff or Moses’s staff (three times each), whether a warning is given at all (no warning with three of the plagues), or whether the warning is given at the Palace or at the Nile (three times each). In the case of the plagues, instead of a life-abounding spiral, however, it’s a spiral of self-destruction. Creation collapses in upon itself in a domino effect, in a process theologians call “de-creation”. Rather than a cycle of ever-abounding life, we find an ominous symphony that ends in darkness and death.
What is amazing is that we, mere creatures of dust, have a repeated and sustained impact on the grand cosmic processes that affect the entire creation. The choices we make determine whether the creation flourishes or collapses. Ultimately, the creation comes to collect on every debt we incur against it. We can recognize the error of our ways, repent, and change course. Or, like Pharaoh, we can double down in our intransigence, deny our transgressions, and force the entire creation to reap the consequences. The choice is ours.
Updated February 3, 2020. An earlier version of this article was re-blogged on Clarion Journal of Spirituality & Justice on February 1, 2020.